Translation has been done by me. I am not a professional translator. But read a great deal of Mr Xu. At all points I ahve sought to be as accurate to the language and spirit of Mr Xu's original text. Please feel free to leave any comments on the translation job.
All the following words are translated from Mr Xu's article:
The reaction from Chinese government and Chinese public to the turmoils in Olympic torch relay and the related worldwide media reports really concerns me. 'Wolf with a human face and the heart of a beast' is in the description of Dalai Lama in Chinese state-owned
On CCTV and portal websites of China, the propaganda is intensively going on. Chinese government might feel bewildered facing the different voices from worldwide media, but it is such a small piece of cake to control all the domestic voices. The last time I got to know the power of the propaganda was in 1999 through the suppression for Fa Lun Gong. The suppression helped this foolish, ridiculous, fake-religion movement increase its influence and, later on, pushed its leader to achieve worldwide fame he never dreamed of. It also allowed him to somehow become the symbol of freedom of religion.
This kind of propaganda can be dated back from 1942 in Yan'an (translator's note: Yan'an was Mao's base during the civil war. It might be called "Mao's Pentagon".), and was practised over and over after 1949 in China. It climbed to the climax during the Culture Revolution. When the propaganda is based on information blocking, its power is surprising---it closes people's minds, rots people's hearts, destroys the moral principles and imprints a 'self-righteous' consciousness on those subject to it. Therefore, during the violent fighting of the Cultural Revolution, both sides claimed that they believed in Mao's theory and the other side protected the bad, old theory, which deserved to any sort of brutal treatment...
But when the information gradually opened up, people found what they used to believe was just a lie, and a cynical attitude became widespread. Today, there is a game going on between propaganda agents and the public. The former continuously slides along the the track of inertia, while the later slides along a spectrum - from one end believing everything blindly to the other end believing nothing.
But fear of tyranny keeps this game alive. The public gets used to living in this open lie and forms the habit of understanding every part of official propaganda from the opposite point of view. While it looks harmonious and peaceful on the surface, it leads to a dangerous direction---the political system and the society have been seriously rotten. The government loses the ability to understand real problems under the delusion of its own propaganda, and as the propaganda goes smoothly, the government becomes numb and less capable to percieve and grasp real problems. The reaction of the government becomes less sensitive and relies more and more on inertia other than intellectual judgement or logical, rational arguments to maintain its legitimacy. The public at the same time becomes suspicious and timid---they might know what
to oppose, but they don't know what to replace the problematic area with, and they gradually lose the moral courage to say anything of substance contrary to the government. Living with lies and suspicion for such a long time also makes people lack the strength and confidence to build a better social network or structure.
The behavior of the Chinese government in regards to the conflicts in Tibet showed the result of the disease from long-term propaganda and numbness. The official voice stems from the usual principle and it moves on along the inertia even though it doesn't believe what it said itself. For the Chinese public, although they don't believe the reports from CCTV, they really don't know anything about Tibet at all. Therefore their one dimensional thinking formed by the long time
propaganda is easily touched by the TV scene that Tibetan treated Han people brutally. (translator's note: it is exactly how my mom's comments are formed about Tibetan turmoil).
Then it entered the language environment that the Chinese power organization is familiar with. For a long time, the public emotion is a prop of the government. When the relationships between China and US or China and Japan tensed, the emotion of nationalism became a card of Beijing---large scale demonstrations, which are not normally allowed, unusually appeared. For the people in the demonstrations, rather than being motivated by a real feeling of nationalism, were released from long suppressed emotion. They long for public life, but have no way to express it when demonstrations are made illegal.
I surprisingly found this old trick is still so efficient when a young women, Jin Jing, becomes the hero of China, when the boycott to Carrefour spreads to more cities, when MSN is filled with red stars, when national flags are everywhere in college dorms, when these young people claim 'I love China very much', and when I am surrounded by rants against CNN.....
I really begin to worry. I don't worry about the criticism from outside world (and I never expect the pressure from the outside would to really make China change fundamentally). The long history of China has shown that those criticisms eventually disappear: the essence of power and of the communist government has never had to change because of the success of new policies over the past 30 years leading to economic development. Its principle interest is not the future
of the nation and its people, but the stability of its own power, and it is willing to do all kinds of actions that sacrifice the wellbeing of its citizens, environment, and traditions to maintain that power.
What I am seriously worried about is that the people of this nation, especially the youth, still have a confined mind, although they consider themselves living in a globalized world and not limited by the shortage of material and information anymore. They confuse all kinds of concepts and misuse their enthusiasm. They don't know the real world and they don't have the interests to either. They are moved by the flow of intense emotions that were aroused suddenly, but they lack the ability to think critically and automatically believe what they were been told, which makes their ranting anger insane, flat and without meaning.
Sometimes, what has been happening lately indeed reminds me of some unhappy moments in history, where enthusiasm of the people was manipulated and eventually led to series of disasters.
But, were all the current reactions only caused by the events after March 14th? Don't they reveal some far deeper problems and emotions? The understanding of those problems and emotions must be dated back from a long long history. Inside of the heart of this nation, there are all kinds of inextricable knots. For quite a long time, people chose to forget them or force themselves to forget these knots, pretending they don't exist. When the critical moments come these knots will take fierce revenge on us.
What, indeed, is the history problem of Tibet? What is the political characteristic of China? And the relationship between historical memory and reality? Can economic development substitute the long time shortage of real ideology?......I found this research would be an endless hole. It is difficult to understand the current problem in Tibet without the knowledge of Tibet turmoil in 1959 or the spiritual characteristic of Dalai Lama and the belief crisis worldwide. It is also hard to understand why the Olympics are so important to China without the understanding of the legitimate foundation of politics. It would be impossible to understand the thinking pattern and language usage of Chinese people without the study of Mao's time; It would be also impossible to understand the emotion of Chinese youth without the knowledge of how Chinese youth elite awoke Chinese nationalism in the early 20 th century......
Those studies and discussions might not solve any particular problems, but at least they can provide us with standards regarding the expression of emotions. In many occasions, what gives me greatest unease is not the language or action of criticism, attack, arguments, or debate are based upon, but that their level is too low.


